Theoretical Framework
Project Structure
Experiments
Synthesis
Appendix
Our focus crime
Crime always has risks
Prosocial action does not always have risk but risk is an underappreciated element
Wilson & Kelling (1982) describe a system where community disorder (1) increases crime by signalling low social control to offenders and (2) decreases actual social control by reducing willingness to use public spaces.
Wilson & Kelling (1982) describe a system where community disorder (1) increases crime by signalling low social control to offenders and (2) decreases actual social control by reducing willingness to use public spaces.
A: Disorder signals low guardianship which increases offending.
B, E: Disorder and crime constrain social relations and impede control.
C, D: Social control inhibits both disorder and crime.
This model is under-identified without instruments or manipulations
Sampson & Raudenbush (1999) contend that disorder and crime are both manifestations of low collective efficacy—the community's capacity for informal social control.
Sampson & Raudenbush (1999) contend that disorder and crime are both manifestations of low collective efficacy—the community's capacity for informal social control.
C, D: Disorder and crime are products of low collective efficacy—social control—which is exogenous (B, E).
A: Disorder has no direct impact on crime.
A, B, and E represent testable constraints on Broken Windows.
Used disorder manipulations and recorded norm violation with field experiments in Grongingen, the Netherlands. Multiple interventions show a consistent positive relationship.
Used disorder manipulations and recorded norm violation with field experiments in Grongingen, the Netherlands. Multiple interventions show a consistent positive relationship.
Powerful causal effect of disorder on multiple forms of norm violation (A).
Single sites in one city: No examination of context, indirect pathways, or reciprocal effects.
High internal validity from experimental design.
Simultaneous equations of crime, disorder, and collective efficacy in Chicago neighborhoods, using survey-measured collective efficacy and a novel objective measure of disorder: Video of block faces coded by researchers.
Simultaneous equations of crime, disorder, and collective efficacy in Chicago neighborhoods, using survey-measured collective efficacy and a novel objective measure of disorder: Video of block faces coded by researchers.
* Effect found only for robbery.
Effect of disorder on crime (A) absent once controlling for collective efficacy (B,D)
Control for crime impact on collective efficacy (E), but assume no disorder feedback on collective efficacy (C)
High external validity using focal concepts: Real disorder and crime.
Our focus is on crime—which always has risks—but both Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy are also theories of prosocial behavior.
Our focus is on crime—which always has risks—but both Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy are also theories of prosocial behavior.
Broken windows implies disorder attenuates prosocial behavior through fear of crime and subsequent withdrawal from community life.
Our focus is on crime—which always has risks—but both Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy are also theories of prosocial behavior.
Broken windows implies disorder attenuates prosocial behavior through fear of crime and subsequent withdrawal from community life.
Collective efficacy predicts many prosocial behaviors:1
[1] Sampson (2012)
Our focus is on crime—which always has risks—but both Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy are also theories of prosocial behavior.
Broken windows implies disorder attenuates prosocial behavior through fear of crime and subsequent withdrawal from community life.
Collective efficacy predicts many prosocial behaviors:1
[1] Sampson (2012)
Engaging in social control—sanctioning—is a risky prosocial behavior.
Our focus is on crime—which always has risks—but both Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy are also theories of prosocial behavior.
Broken windows implies disorder attenuates prosocial behavior through fear of crime and subsequent withdrawal from community life.
Collective efficacy predicts many prosocial behaviors:1
[1] Sampson (2012)
Engaging in social control—sanctioning—is a risky prosocial behavior.
Prosocial action does not always feature risk but risks and costs of prosocial behavior are underappreciated elements.
Our goal is testing the micro-level mechanisms that underlie Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy.
Our goal is testing the micro-level mechanisms that underlie Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy.
Does disorder increase norm-violations and crime as suggested by Broken Windows?
Our goal is testing the micro-level mechanisms that underlie Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy.
Does disorder increase norm-violations and crime as suggested by Broken Windows?
Or is this relationship spurious once collective efficacy is controlled, as suggested by Sampson?
Our goal is testing the micro-level mechanisms that underlie Broken Windows and Collective Efficacy.
Does disorder increase norm-violations and crime as suggested by Broken Windows?
Or is this relationship spurious once collective efficacy is controlled, as suggested by Sampson?
To answer these questions, this study links field experiments embedded in Seattle neighborhoods to ecometric data from the 2002-2003 Seattle Neighborhoods and Crime Survey.
Lost Letter
Lost Letter
Mailbox Experiment
Lost Letter
Mailbox Experiment
Littering Intervention
Lost Letter
Mailbox Experiment
Littering Intervention
Litter Clean-Up
Paths E and C are hard to isolate
Can't use crime as an intervention
Crime is a rare event to observe
Sanctioning is difficult intervention
2,938 letters were dropped on Seattle sidewalks for passersby to encounter.
2,938 letters were dropped on Seattle sidewalks for passersby to encounter.
24 letters—8 per addressee—were dropped in each census tract:
2,938 letters were dropped on Seattle sidewalks for passersby to encounter.
24 letters—8 per addressee—were dropped in each census tract:
Mailed letters were received at a PO Box monitored by the research team.
2,938 letters were dropped on Seattle sidewalks for passersby to encounter.
24 letters—8 per addressee—were dropped in each census tract:
Mailed letters were received at a PO Box monitored by the research team.
Letter ID numbers combine with hand-recorded drop locations to permit geotagging of letter returns.1
[1] Letter condition, area type (e.g. residential), and postmark date were also recorded. Addresses have also now been linked to election precincts (See Appendix).
[1] See Sampson (2012) and Milgram, Mann, and Harter (1965).
Returning a lost letter is a low-risk pro-social intervention highly correlated with collective efficacy (G)1.
This may be used to update the 2002-2003 SNCS collective efficacy measures which may have shifted over time.2
[1] See Sampson (2012) and Milgram, Mann, and Harter (1965).
[2] Note however that collective efficacy is persistent (Sampson 2012).
Returning a lost letter is a low-risk pro-social intervention highly correlated with collective efficacy (G)1.
This may be used to update the 2002-2003 SNCS collective efficacy measures which may have shifted over time.2
Varying the addressee tests sensitivity of prosocial intervention to context.
[1] See Sampson (2012) and Milgram, Mann, and Harter (1965).
[2] Note however that collective efficacy is persistent (Sampson 2012).
Lost Letter: Returned Letters | ||||
Return Rate | Mean | Min | Max | Corr(CE) |
---|---|---|---|---|
Personal | .793 | .375 | 1.000 | .346 |
BLM | .711 | .250 | 1.000 | .318 |
Nazi | .240 | .000 | .625 | .034 |
All Letters | .581 | .375 | .833 | .340 |
Key Findings:
Lost Letter: Returned Letters | ||||
Return Rate | Mean | Min | Max | Corr(CE) |
---|---|---|---|---|
Personal | .793 | .375 | 1.000 | .346 |
BLM | .711 | .250 | 1.000 | .318 |
Nazi | .240 | .000 | .625 | .034 |
All Letters | .581 | .375 | .833 | .340 |
Key Findings:
Personal (0.346) and BLM (0.318) returns correlated with 2002-2003 collective efficacy.
Nazi letter returns uncorrelated with CE (.034) and less common.
Lost Letter: Returned Letters | ||||
Return Rate | Mean | Min | Max | Corr(CE) |
---|---|---|---|---|
Personal | .793 | .375 | 1.000 | .346 |
BLM | .711 | .250 | 1.000 | .318 |
Nazi | .240 | .000 | .625 | .034 |
All Letters | .581 | .375 | .833 | .340 |
Key Findings:
Personal (0.346) and BLM (0.318) returns correlated with 2002-2003 collective efficacy.
Nazi letter returns uncorrelated with CE (.034) and less common.
Return rates of Personal and BLM letters should provide a valid updated collective efficacy indicator.
Lost Letter: Returned Letters | ||||
Return Rate | Mean | Min | Max | Corr(CE) |
---|---|---|---|---|
Personal | .793 | .375 | 1.000 | .346 |
BLM | .711 | .250 | 1.000 | .318 |
Nazi | .240 | .000 | .625 | .034 |
All Letters | .581 | .375 | .833 | .340 |
Key Findings:
Personal (0.346) and BLM (0.318) returns correlated with 2002-2003 collective efficacy.
Nazi letter returns uncorrelated with CE (.034) and less common.
Return rates of Personal and BLM letters should provide a valid updated collective efficacy indicator.
Logit model indicates CE predicts BLM and personal letters
Interaction with Nazi negates CE effect
BLM has a lower base return rate
A letter containing a visible $5 bill is left near mailbox for passersby to encounter.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
A letter containing a visible $5 bill is left near mailbox for passersby to encounter.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
Researchers record whether participants mail, steal, or ignore the envelope.1
[1] Perceived sex, age, and group size of participants were also recorded to adjust for compositional differences of tracts.
A letter containing a visible $5 bill is left near mailbox for passersby to encounter.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
Researchers record whether participants mail, steal, or ignore the envelope.1
[1] Perceived sex, age, and group size of participants were also recorded to adjust for compositional differences of tracts.
Causal test of direct effect of disorder on crime (A).
Causal test of direct effect of disorder on low-risk prosocial behavior (J).
Causal test of direct effect of disorder on crime (A).
Causal test of direct effect of disorder on low-risk prosocial behavior (J).
Capture association between collective efficacy and minor crime (C) and low-risk prosocial behavior (K).
Mailbox: Participant Actions | ||||
Condition | Walk-By | Theft | Sum | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 1629 | 208 | 33 | 1870 |
.871 | .111 | .018 | .509 | |
Treatment | 1637 | 136 | 28 | 1801 |
.909 | .076 | .016 | .491 | |
Both | 3266 | 344 | 61 | 3671 |
.890 | .094 | .017 | 1.000 |
Key Findings:
[1] There is no significant positive relationship in any location.
Mailbox: Participant Actions | ||||
Condition | Walk-By | Theft | Sum | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 1629 | 208 | 33 | 1870 |
.871 | .111 | .018 | .509 | |
Treatment | 1637 | 136 | 28 | 1801 |
.909 | .076 | .016 | .491 | |
Both | 3266 | 344 | 61 | 3671 |
.890 | .094 | .017 | 1.000 |
Key Findings:
[1] There is no significant positive relationship in any location.
Mailbox: Participant Actions | ||||
Condition | Walk-By | Theft | Sum | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 1629 | 208 | 33 | 1870 |
.871 | .111 | .018 | .509 | |
Treatment | 1637 | 136 | 28 | 1801 |
.909 | .076 | .016 | .491 | |
Both | 3266 | 344 | 61 | 3671 |
.890 | .094 | .017 | 1.000 |
Key Findings:
[1] There is no significant positive relationship in any location.
Disorder reduces the likelihood of mailing—resulting in the letter remaining on the ground longer.
Collective efficacy is associated with lower theft, but not more mailing.
A confederate walks down the street and flagrantly litters near a trash can in view of passersby.
A confederate walks down the street and flagrantly litters near a trash can in view of passersby.
Researchers record whether the confederate is sanctioned—a risky prosocial behavior—or the litter is disposed of by a participant—a low-risk prosocial behavior.
A confederate walks down the street and flagrantly litters near a trash can in view of passersby.
Researchers record whether the confederate is sanctioned—a risky prosocial behavior—or the litter is disposed of by a participant—a low-risk prosocial behavior.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
A confederate walks down the street and flagrantly litters near a trash can in view of passersby.
Researchers record whether the confederate is sanctioned—a risky prosocial behavior—or the litter is disposed of by a participant—a low-risk prosocial behavior.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
Replicated with three confederates of varying sex and race to manipulate interpersonal context which may influence evaluations of risk:1
[1] Sex and race also interact with normative expectations.
A confederate walks down the street and flagrantly litters near a trash can in view of passersby.
Researchers record whether the confederate is sanctioned—a risky prosocial behavior—or the litter is disposed of by a participant—a low-risk prosocial behavior.
Litter and a sign board with graffiti are introduced to manipulate disorder.
Replicated with three confederates of varying sex and race to manipulate interpersonal context which may influence evaluations of risk:1
[1] Sex and race also interact with normative expectations. We conducted 576 trials in 12 Seattle census tracts.
Test of direct effect of disorder on sanctioning (B).
Norm-Violation is fixed—all relationships are conditional on the offense occurring.
Test of direct effect of disorder on sanctioning (B).
Norm-Violation is fixed—all relationships are conditional on the offense occurring.
Test effect of interpersonal context of norm violation on sanctioning (L).
Test of direct effect of disorder on sanctioning (B).
Norm-Violation is fixed—all relationships are conditional on the offense occurring.
Test effect of interpersonal context of norm violation on sanctioning (L).
Captures association between collective efficacy and sanctioning (M).
Litter Intervention: Sanctions | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 2 | 2 | 9 | 13 |
.021 | .021 | .103 | .045 | |
Treatment | 1 | 8 | 4 | 13 |
.011 | .091 | .043 | .045 | |
Both | 3 | 10 | 13 | 26 |
.016 | .052 | .068 | .045 |
Key Findings:
Litter Intervention: Sanctions | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 2 | 2 | 9 | 13 |
.021 | .021 | .103 | .045 | |
Treatment | 1 | 8 | 4 | 13 |
.011 | .091 | .043 | .045 | |
Both | 3 | 10 | 13 | 26 |
.016 | .052 | .068 | .045 |
Key Findings:
Litter Intervention: Sanctions | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 2 | 2 | 9 | 13 |
.021 | .021 | .103 | .045 | |
Treatment | 1 | 8 | 4 | 13 |
.011 | .091 | .043 | .045 | |
Both | 3 | 10 | 13 | 26 |
.016 | .052 | .068 | .045 |
Key Findings:
LB: 11/13 from men TP: 3 sanctions from women CL; 6/10 sanctions from men
Litter Intervention: Throw-Aways | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 3 | 7 | 7 | 17 |
.032 | .079 | .079 | .059 | |
Treatment | 3 | 3 | 4 | 10 |
.032 | .032 | .043 | .035 | |
Both | 6 | 10 | 11 | 27 |
.032 | .052 | .057 | .047 |
We also evaluated if our interventions impacted throwing away the dropped litter—a low risk, non-confrontational prosocial action.
Litter Intervention: Throw-Aways | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 3 | 7 | 7 | 17 |
.032 | .079 | .079 | .059 | |
Treatment | 3 | 3 | 4 | 10 |
.032 | .032 | .043 | .035 | |
Both | 6 | 10 | 11 | 27 |
.032 | .052 | .057 | .047 |
We also evaluated if our interventions impacted throwing away the dropped litter—a low risk, non-confrontational prosocial action.
Key Findings:
Disorder treatment reduces throwing away.
Litter Intervention: Throw-Aways | ||||
Condition |
Black Male |
White Male |
White Female |
All |
---|---|---|---|---|
Control | 3 | 7 | 7 | 17 |
.032 | .079 | .079 | .059 | |
Treatment | 3 | 3 | 4 | 10 |
.032 | .032 | .043 | .035 | |
Both | 6 | 10 | 11 | 27 |
.032 | .052 | .057 | .047 |
We also evaluated if our interventions impacted throwing away the dropped litter—a low risk, non-confrontational prosocial action.
Key Findings:
Disorder treatment reduces throwing away.
Collective efficacy and letter returns do not predict throwing away.
A variety of trash is dropped on a sidewalk.
A magazine rack with concealed camera and motion detector records when the litter is cleaned up and how many people pass by.
A variety of trash is dropped on a sidewalk.
A magazine rack with concealed camera and motion detector records when the litter is cleaned up and how many people pass by.
A variety of trash is dropped on a sidewalk.
A magazine rack with concealed camera and motion detector records when the litter is cleaned up and how many people pass by.
The experiment was abandoned after a small number of trials.
In Ravenna, residents reported the magazine racks on Nextdoor as an "eyesore".
The experiment was abandoned after a small number of trials.
In Ravenna, residents reported the magazine racks on Nextdoor as an "eyesore".
Two magazine racks had locks cut and were removed.
The experiment was abandoned after a small number of trials.
In Ravenna, residents reported the magazine racks on Nextdoor as an "eyesore".
Two magazine racks had locks cut and were removed.
Thus we were unable to continue experiment because of collective efficacy in an affluent neighborhood.
The experiment was abandoned after a small number of trials.
In Ravenna, residents reported the magazine racks on Nextdoor as an "eyesore".
Two magazine racks had locks cut and were removed.
Thus we were unable to continue experiment because of collective efficacy in an affluent neighborhood.
In contrast, one rack was left for an entire year in Capitol Hill without issue.
Maybe talk about Coleman and zeal
1. No disorder effect on theft (A).
2. Disorder attenuates low-risk, low-cost prosocial actions—mailing letters, throwing away litter—and possibly sanctioning as well (B).
Consistent with indirect Broken Windows pathway.
Suggests feedback effect on collective efficacy.
3. Collective efficacy predicts some low-risk prosocial action (H,K) but not higher risk actions—sanctioning.
4. Collective efficacy is associated with lower theft (C).
5. Context matters for prosocial behavior (I).
[1] Sanctioning on the basis of race hardly seems "prosocial". See Lanfear, Beach, & Thomas (2018) (forthcoming).
[2] See St. Jean (2007) and Wickes et al. (2013).
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
This study suggests contexts of prosocial behavior are important but neglected considerations for neighborhood theories of crime.
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
This study suggests contexts of prosocial behavior are important but neglected considerations for neighborhood theories of crime.
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
This study suggests contexts of prosocial behavior are important but neglected considerations for neighborhood theories of crime.
Collective efficacy is correlated with the presence of risk factors—such as retaliation from the sanctioned.
Disorder may be a signal for risks or other costs.
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
This study suggests contexts of prosocial behavior are important but neglected considerations for neighborhood theories of crime.
Collective efficacy is correlated with the presence of risk factors—such as retaliation from the sanctioned.
Disorder may be a signal for risks or other costs.
Disorder may signal that interventions will have limited benefit.
We know relatively little about the activation of prosocial behavior, particularly sanctioning.
This study suggests contexts of prosocial behavior are important but neglected considerations for neighborhood theories of crime.
Collective efficacy is correlated with the presence of risk factors—such as retaliation from the sanctioned.
Disorder may be a signal for risks or other costs.
Disorder may signal that interventions will have limited benefit.
Context may cause general statements of prosocial intentions to differ sharply from actual behavior (see St. Jean 2007).
Our findings are the result of over 2000 person-hours of field work over four summers. This project was made possible by the participation of graduate student researchers, grant funding, and institutional resources on campus.
Anquinette Barry
Chris Hess
John Leverso
Kate O'Neill
Terrence Pope
National Science Foundation
UW Royalty Research Fund
Center for Statistics and the Social Sciences
Center for Studies in Demography and Ecology
Two Mailbox Multinomial Models
Theft | Theft | |||
---|---|---|---|---|
(Intercept) | -2.053 | 0.332 | -1.467 | -1.437 |
(0.538) | (1.170) | (0.579) | (1.329) | |
Treatment | -0.275 | -0.081 | -0.263 | -0.098 |
(0.118) | (0.261) | (0.119) | (0.263) | |
Coll. Eff. | 0.265 | -1.206 | 0.171 | -0.804 |
(0.173) | (0.396) | (0.181) | (0.424) | |
Walk-by Rate | -0.564 | -0.535 | -0.534 | -0.429 |
(0.063) | (0.132) | (0.064) | (0.133) | |
Male | -0.094 | 0.880 | ||
(0.117) | (0.296) | |||
Non-White | -0.459 | 0.397 | ||
(0.144) | (0.272) | |||
In Group | -0.876 | -1.302 | ||
(0.161) | (0.475) |
CE predicts people being in groups
CE predicts fewer men; maybe proxying employment?
We supposed the speed of return of lost letters was correlated with clean-up time of trash.
As a pilot, in selected trats, 24 pieces of litter were dropped in the same locations as lost letters and then checked three times over the course of a day.
Neither timing nor a binary measure of clean-up were found to be associated with either lost letter returns or overall collective efficacy.
We replicated Sampson & Raudenbush (1999) but with an instruments for disorder and collective efficacy from Miethe (1990) to examine reciprocal effects.
Disorder in 2002-2003 instrumented by 1990 disorder.
Collective Efficacy in 2002-2003 instrumented by 1990 social cohesion, reciprocated exchange, and intergenerational closure.
Key Findings:
Disorder predicts crime in both high and low crime neighborhoods.
Collective efficacy only predicts crime in low crime neighborhoods.
Disorder and collective efficacy have bidirectional negative relationship.
Theoretical Framework
Project Structure
Experiments
Synthesis
Appendix
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